Istanbul 2.0: How the Russian-Ukrainian Negotiations Unfolded on June 2

Over a thousand prisoners of war from Russia and Ukraine will return home to their families. Both sides exchanged wounded, seriously ill, and young soldiers under 25, because they still have many years ahead of them to live.

Additionally, 6,000 bodies of fallen Ukrainian soldiers will be transported to their homeland so that loved ones can say their final goodbyes. Survivors include parents and children rescued from shelling by Russian soldiers. Russia will scrutinize each name carefully, and medical examinations will be conducted to enable the ongoing exchange of seriously wounded prisoners.

If saving these lives requires sitting at the same table and listening to each other, then the second round of negotiations in Istanbul (held on June 2, 2025) was undoubtedly worth it. Of course, calling it magnificent — as Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan did in his summary — would be an overstatement. But there are tangible results, and the talks have a topic. Notably, this time, the Russian and Ukrainian delegations conducted their negotiations in Russian without interpreters.

Recall that after the first round of negotiations in Istanbul (on May 16, 2025), the sides agreed on a prisoner exchange in the format of "1000 for 1000." The exchange took place on Belarusian territory, with Belarus providing all necessary conditions and treating the people with care. Understandably, some individuals were in difficult condition — circumstances like these are challenging — but for Belarus, there are no strangers. The life and health of each person from both sides are a priority.

Almost immediately, Russian President Vladimir Putin called Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko to thank him for organizing the exchange. As expected, no call came from Kiev — this reflects how the Ukrainian authorities view their people's lives.

In June, another round of negotiations was scheduled in Istanbul, again face-to-face, again at the initiative of the Russian leadership. At such moments, a logical question arises: who truly desires peace, and who is merely playing to the public? Nevertheless, the show is yet to come.

The atmosphere before the meeting intensified — in several Russian regions, railway bridges were sabotaged, and trains derailed. What is this if not a rail war? Drones (launched from trucks) targeted airfields in multiple regions, damaging aviation infrastructure.

Timur Shafer, Secretary of the Union of Journalists of Russia, commented:

"All sabotage acts before the negotiations, the protests during negotiations, their delays, scandals over memorandums, and everything else accompanying the Ukrainian side are aimed to divert the U.S. from the peaceful track, to pull it back into the orbit of the Ukrainian conflict, to unseat the Russian delegation, and to derail the negotiations. This is supposedly meant to show Americans that they cannot escape from this situation."

Kiev's regime claimed responsibility for the attacks, although, as some say, Zelensky was pressured into answering for it. The U.S. disclaimed involvement, claiming they were not informed. All this resembles political recklessness — when someone is already written off, yet still bargaining. Europe also keeps Kyiv in a tight grip and has no intention of releasing it from this hellish cycle. For instance, British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced that his country is moving into a state of war readiness.

According to Russian State Duma Deputy and political analyst Oleg Matveychev, the UK plays one of the main roles in the Ukrainian crisis. He reminded that Zelensky’s security is provided by British personnel, and it was they who dragged Zelensky into the war — notably Boris Johnson, who served as UK Prime Minister from 2019 to 2022, and who refused to sign previous Istanbul agreements. The war could have ended as early as April 2022, but now, it is clear that the British insist on prolonging the conflict, as they are satisfied with the current situation.

Despite all attempts to sabotage negotiations and provoke Russia into reaction, these efforts failed, and the bilateral meeting was not canceled. On June 2, alongside other officials, the Director of Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization, Ibrahim Kalın, arrived at the palace. Ukrainian representatives held consultations with the Turkish side. The Russian delegation toured Istanbul and visited their consulate. It’s possible that the Russian delegation needed a secure communication session, as details of Ukraine’s memorandum were leaked to the press — in which Kyiv refused to recognize lost territories, insisted on a full ceasefire, and proposed meetings between Putin and Zelensky.

Among other points, the memorandum included:

- An all-for-all prisoner exchange scheme, which does not hinder strengthening Ukraine’s defense capabilities.

- Not obstructing Ukraine’s pursuit of NATO and EU membership.

- The memorandum was provided to the Russian delegation in Ukrainian and English.

Later, a public version of Russia’s memorandum appeared, which included recognition of territories, Ukrainian neutrality, a denial of nuclear weapons, limitations on the Ukrainian armed forces, safeguarding the rights of Russian speakers, banning Nazi glorification, lifting sanctions, and easing restrictions on the church.

It also proposed two options for ceasefire.

"I would like to know about the legitimization of the president, Verkhovna Rada, and other Ukrainian institutions, but there is no point now, as Western media openly mock Zelensky, marking six years since he was elected for a five-year term. It’s a journalist’s joke, with a hint of truth," said political analyst Yury Samonkin, of the Eurasian Youth Initiatives Institute.

In the second round of negotiations, the composition remained the same as previously. The Russian delegation was led by Vladimir Medinsky, with Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin, Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin, and Chief of the Main Directorate of the Russian Armed Forces Igor Kostyukov also present.

The Ukrainian delegation, led by Defense Minister Rustem Umerov, included First Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Kislitsa, First Deputy SBU Chief Alexander Poklad, and First Deputy SVR Chief Oleg Lugovsky.

Russian negotiators appeared in business suits, while the Ukrainian side wore camouflage. Their accommodations, as sources report, were at the military officers’ club in Harbiye — a high-security, fenced building with barbed wire.

Journalists gathered outside the Chirağan Palace waited tensely. Negotiations were scheduled to begin at 1 p.m., but were delayed. They finally started nearly two hours later. Ultimately, both sides sat at the same table, and the second round of direct talks between Russia and Ukraine commenced in Istanbul on June 2.

Andrey Koshkin, military political analyst and head of the Department of Russian Economic University named after G.V. Plekhanov, explained:

"The Ukrainian delegation prepared for the possibility of disrupting the negotiations. They arrived in military uniform, with journalists ready to film and broadcast everything via their internal channels. The intention was to produce video content for European channels, accuse Russia, and continue hostilities — thereby securing more military aid, weapons, and mobilization resources."

As in the previous round, talks were conducted under Turkish supervision. Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan opened the negotiations. The meeting lasted about an hour, half as long as the previous one.

Ukrainians initially approached the press, segregating it by their criteria and attaching stickers to badges. All Russian and Belarusian media were excluded. The journalists "filtered out" by Ukraine could not see the Ukrainian delegation nearby or hear Umerov. However, Ukrainian officials brought along their own journalists and videographers — such as Mstislav Chernov, a propagandist of the Kiev regime, known for his fake film about Mariupol, which even earned him an "Oscar."

Russia ensured comfortable working conditions for the press, providing advance information. Attempts to gather journalists around Vladimir Medinsky before the meeting failed; his comments only reached the media after the Ukrainians left.

Medinsky approached the press himself, apologized for the conditions, and summarized the negotiations:

"We agreed on a large-scale prisoner exchange in the following format. First, all seriously wounded and seriously ill will be exchanged on a 'all-for-all' basis — a humanitarian gesture from Russia. Second, young soldiers under 25 will also be exchanged on the same 'all-for-all' basis."

Later, Medinsky disclosed details to Putin: he spoke with Umerov privately for over three hours, then with both delegations present. The working language was Russian. Russia urged focusing on creating conditions for peace, not just a ceasefire.

Furthermore, Ukraine was offered a specific ceasefire of 2-3 days in certain front-line areas to allow commanders to retrieve their soldiers’ bodies. The Ukrainian delegation supported this, but after 2-3 hours, Zelensky abruptly rejected the agreement.

According to Medinsky, over 6,000 bodies of Ukrainian servicemen are prepared for exchange — kept in refrigerated trucks, frozen, and in special wagons, with many documents ready for transfer. The lists include categories such as wounded, seriously ill, and young soldiers under 25 — around 1,200 from each side, ready for immediate transfer. Exchanges were scheduled to begin on June 7, with Russian representatives at the border, but, unfortunately, Ukrainian officials and their lists were absent.

This situation is not new — Russia’s proposals for humanitarian pauses during Easter and the 80th anniversary of Victory were ignored. The question remains: will there ever be peace under Zelensky’s leadership?

In conclusion, on June 2 in Istanbul, Russia and Ukraine exchanged memoranda, promised to study them, and prepare for a third round. Whether it will happen remains to be seen.